Discrimination based on skin color, also known as colorism, or shadeism, is a form of prejudice or discrimination in which people who are usually members of the same race are treated differently based on the social implications that come with the cultural meanings that are attached to skin color.[1]

Racism is typically understood to be discrimination committed against people of a different ethnicity. Colorism on the other hand highlights biases that proliferate between persons who are members of different ethnic groups as well as biases that proliferate between persons who are members of the same ethnic group. It is the belief that someone with any degree of lighter complexion is considered more beautiful or valuable than someone with dark skin.[2]

Research has found extensive evidence of discrimination based on skin color in criminal justice, business, the economy, housing, health care, media, and politics in the United States and Europe. Lighter skin tones are considered preferable in many countries in Africa, Asia and South America. The World Health Organization (WHO) warns that mercury salts, which inhibit the production of melanin, the chemical hydroquinone, their inclusion in many skin-lightening products, and frequent manufacturer and supplier evasion of regulations surrounding these harmful ingredients,[3] make the use of such products an acute public health risk.[4] Clobetasol propionate is another ingredient of concern.[5]


Several meta-analyses find extensive evidence of ethnic and racial discrimination in hiring in the North American and European labor markets.[6][7][8] A 2016 meta-analysis of 738 correspondence tests in 43 separate studies conducted in OECD countries between 1990 and 2015 finds that there is extensive racial discrimination used within both the European and North American hiring process.[7] Equivalent minority candidates need to send around 50% more applications than majority candidates to be invited for an interview.[7] Recent research in the U.S. shows that socioeconomic and health inequality among African Americans along the color-continuum is often similar or even larger in magnitude than what exists between whites and African Americans.[9][10]


East Asia, South Asia, Southeast Asia

In East, South and Southeast Asia, a preference for lighter skin is prevalent,[11] especially in countries such as China, South Korea, Philippines, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Japan.[12][13]

The history of skin whitening in East Asia dates far back to ancient times. In the ancient dynastic eras, to be light in an environment in which the sun was harsh implied wealth and nobility because those individuals were able to remain indoors while servants had to labor outside.[11] Ancient Asian cultures also associated light skin with feminine beauty. "Jade" white skin in Korea is known to have been the ideal as far back as the Gojoseon era.[12] Japan's Edo period saw the start of a trend of women whitening their faces with rice powder as a "moral duty".[12] Chinese women valued a "milk white" complexion and swallowed powdered pearls towards that end.[12] Four out of ten women surveyed in Hong Kong, Malaysia, the Philippines, and South Korea use a skin whitening cream.[14] In many Asian cultures, colorism is taught to children in the form of fairy tales, just as the Grimms' fairy tales featured light-skinned princesses or maidens; Asian mythological protagonists are typically fair and depict virtue, purity, and goodness. A light complexion is equated with feminine beauty, racial superiority, and power, and continues to have strong influences on marital prospects, employment, status, and income.[15]

Globalized East Asia still retains these biases, but they are compounded by the influence of Westernized beauty ideals and media that equate whiteness with modern and urban wealth and success.[16]

China and Japan

Hiroshi Wagatsuma writes in Daedalus that Japanese culture has long associated skin color with other physical characteristics that signify degrees of spiritual refinement or of primitiveness.[17]

The scholar repeats an old Japanese proverb: "white skin makes up for seven defects."[17] More specifically for a woman, very light skin allows people to overlook her lack of other desired physical characteristics.[17] Skin color has and continues to influence attractiveness and socioeconomic status and capability.[17]

People in the western hemisphere have long characterised east Asians, specifically Chinese and Japanese people, as "yellow", but the Chinese and Japanese seldom describe their skin color in that way.[17] The Japanese traditionally used the word shiroi – meaning "white" – to describe the lighter shades of skin in their society.[17]

The court ladies of Japan during the Nara period from 710 to 793 AD applied a large amount of white powder to the face and added red rosy cheeks.[17] Many references to plump women with white skin appear in both drawings and writings from 794–1186 AD.[17] In literature, note for example The Tale of Genji (written c. 1000–1012) by Lady Murasaki.[17]


A survey concluded that three quarters of Malaysian men thought their partners would be more attractive if they had lighter skin complexions.[11]

In certain Southeast Asian countries such as Malaysia, a common beauty ideal is the "Eurasian look" known locally in Malaysia as the "pan-Asian look" is an ideal that stems from the beauty ideal of fair skin, which Eurasians tend to naturally possess.[18] The overuse of pan-Asian faces on billboards and on television screens has been a controversial issue in the country. The issue was highlighted in 2009 when Zainuddin Maidin, a Malaysian politician, called for the reduction of pan-Asian faces which he claimed dominate TV and billboards and instead increase the number of Malay, Chinese and Indian faces on local television.[19] Despite the controversy surrounding the preference for Malaysians who are of mixed Asian (Malay, Chinese or Indian) and European descent who possess features such as fair skin, some experts in the industry have said the use of pan-Asian faces can be used to promote the racial diversity of Malaysians. They can also be used to promote a product towards a diverse racial demographic because of their mixed appearance, which the Minister of Information had suggested in 1993.[20]


The legacies of Mughal, Northern and European colonial rule on the Indian subcontinent have influenced the modern relations between light skin and power dynamics.[12] Multiple studies have concluded that preferences for lighter skin in India were historically linked to both the Indian caste system and the rule of Persian, Mughal and European powers.[21][22] Colorism in India was also fuelled by the attitudes of Europeans towards Indians, who favored the lighter-skinned Northern Indians compared to the darker-skinned Southern Indians for administrative positions and other prominent social positions. This was often influenced by the "Aryan invasion" theory, which was a theory which postulated that Northern Indians were actuals Aryans who had migrated to the subcontinent and conquered it thousands of years ago.European officials were also influenced by existing prejudices, as many Northern Indians looked down upon Southern Indians and held them with disdain.[23] Other forms of colorism in India can be seen in the cosmetic industry, where "fairness" creams meant to lighten skin are popular,[24] and in the Bollywood industry, where the majority of actors and actresses hired are light-skinned, and actresses are often photoshopped to appear lighter.[25]

In the wake of George Floyd’s death the debate about colorism and skin tone in India has been discussed in several media outlets,[26][27] and as part of the general critique a big Indian matchmaking website, Shaadi.com, has removed a filter where people could use to mark skin color preferences for their potential partner.[28]

In the state of Maharashtra, a group of young tribal[when defined as?] girls trained to be flight crew through a government scholarship program that aimed to empower women; however, the program seems to have actually disempowered darker skinned women. The majority of girls were denied employment due to their darker skin tone. A few of those women obtained jobs, but only as out-of-sight ground crew.[29]


Pakistan is largely known for their attention and susceptibility to colorism. It is considered extremely normal to use skin whitening creams as they are very popular among the people of Pakistan, especially the women.[citation needed] The media is a big influence on how they view themselves and have come about favoring lighter skin over darker.[citation needed] Between being exposed to constant ads for skin whitening creams (such as Fair and Lovely), to seeing Bollywood actors with light skin portrayed as good role models and dark skinned actors as poor models, many people from Pakistan have been heavily affected into achieving a fair complexion, which includes staying out of the sunlight as much as possible.[citation needed]The popular YouTube web series, Conversations with Kanwal, prouduced by Kanwal Ahmed, covered colorism and its effect on women and their marital prospects in season 1, episode 7.

Sri Lanka

Fair skin is a beauty ideal in contemporary Sri Lankan society but has its roots in ancient Sri Lankan beauty ideals. Fairness products and other products that include whitening agents are commonly sold in Sri Lanka and are popular among females.[30] Fair skinned actors and actresses feature prominently in Bollywood films and Korean dramas both of which are widely popular and influential in Sri Lanka.[31][32]


In some parts of Africa, women with lighter skin are thought to be more beautiful and likely to find more success than women with darker skin tones.[33] Often this barrier leads to women turning to skin lightening treatments, many of which are harmful to the body.[4]

Historically, the cause of skin lightening dates back to European colonialism, where individuals with lighter skin received greater privilege than those of darker tones.[34] This built a racial hierarchy and color ranking within colonized African nations, leaving psychological effects on many of the darker skinned individuals.[34][4]

Colorism affects both women and men in African countries, but it has taken hold of the beauty standards associated with a woman's ability to find success and marriage. The number of women across African countries using bleaching products have gone up with 77% of Nigerian women, 52% of Senegalese women, and 25% of Malian women using lightening products.[33][34] Der Spiegel reports that in Ghana, "When You Are Light-Skinned, You Earn More" and that, "Some pregnant women take tablets in the hopes that it will lead their child to be born with fair skin. Some apply bleaching lotion... to their babies, in the hopes that it will improve their child's chances."[4]


Research suggests that police practices, such as racial profiling, over-policing in areas populated by minorities and in-group bias may result in disproportionately high numbers of racial minorities among crime suspects in Europe.[35][36][37][38][39] Research also suggests that there may be possible discrimination by the judicial system, which contributes to a higher number of convictions for racial minorities in Sweden, the Netherlands, Italy, Germany, Denmark and France.[35][37][38][40][41][42][43]

Several meta-analyses find extensive evidence of ethnic and racial discrimination in hiring in the North American and European labor markets.[6][7][8] A 2016 meta-analysis of 738 correspondence tests in 43 separate studies conducted in OECD countries between 1990 and 2015 finds that there is extensive racial discrimination in hiring decisions in Europe and North America.[7] Equivalent minority candidates need to send around 50% more applications to be invited for an interview than majority candidates.[7]

A 2014 meta-analysis found extensive evidence of racial and ethnic discrimination in the housing market of several European countries.[6] These include being discriminated against in the rental market,[44] a lack of ability to successfully integrate into society,[45] discrimination base on foreign origin,[46][47][48] and preferential hiring based upon being a native citizen.[49]

A 2017 experimental study found that the Dutch discriminate against non-Western immigrants in trust games.[50] A 2021 study found discrimination against parents with Muslim names in the Danish educational system.[51]

Latin America


Brazil has the world's largest population of African descendants living outside Africa. Racially mixed individuals with lighter skin generally have higher rates of social mobility.[52] There are a disproportionate number of mostly European descent elites than those of visible African descent. There are large health, education and income disparities between the races in Brazil.[53] A recent study even finds that skin color is a stronger predictor of social inequality in Brazil than 'race' (i.e. 'race-color' categories used on the Brazilian census); and highlights that socially perceived skin color and 'race' are not the same thing.[54] Even though browns/mixeds and blacks comprise more than 50 percent of the population, they comprise less than 25 percent of elected politicians.[55]

A 2016 study, using twins as a control for neighborhood and family characteristics, found that the nonwhite twin is disadvantaged in the educational system.[56] A 2015 study on racial bias in teacher evaluations in Brazil found that Brazilian math teachers gave better grading assessments of white students than equally proficient and equivalently well-behaved black students.[57]

A 2018 paper found that discriminatory hiring and retention policies accounted for 6-8% of the overall racial wage gap.[58]


In Chile, there is a wide range of diversity from other cultures and ethnic backgrounds. The diversity in Chile sees colorism through social-economic status, accommodating the preexisting notion that darker skin complexions are less valued. A 2016 study found that Chilean schoolteachers had lower expectations of their dark-skinned students (morenos) than their light-skinned students (blancos).[59] Even differences between being dark and being tanned carry different types of statuses, whereas being tanned means more money as they have time to go to the beach or buy tanning products, while the history of colonization automatically attributes darker skin as being lower class. Current studies have been finding that many Chileans favor to be lighter in pigmentation and even perceive themselves to be White despite a mixture of skin tones.


A 2017 study revealed a 45% gap in educational achievement between the darkest- and lightest-skinned White Mexicans and that wealth in the country similarly correlated to skin color.[60]

United States


European colonization created a system of racial hierarchy and a race-based ideology, which led to a structure of domination that privileged whites over blacks. Biological differences in skin color were used to justify the enslavement and oppression of Africans and Native Americans, leading to the development of a social hierarchy that placed whites at the top and blacks at the bottom. Slaves with a lighter complexion were allowed to engage in less strenuous tasks, like domestic duties, while darker-skinned slaves participated in hard labor, which was more than likely done outdoors.[61]

African-Americans with a partial white heritage were seen to be smarter and superior to dark-skinned blacks, and as a result, they were given broader opportunities for education and the acquisition of land and property.[62] Colorism was a device used by the white colonists in order to create a division between the Africans and further the idea that being as close to white as possible was the ideal image. One of the first forms of colorism was the white slave owners deciding that only the light-skinned slaves would work in the house while the darker ones were subjected to the harsh conditions of the fields.[63] This led to a clear division between the slaves. There were tests to determine who was light enough to work in the house and sometimes get special privileges. One of these tests was the brown paper bag test.[64] If people's skins were darker than a brown paper bag, they were deemed too dark to work in the house. The skin tests were not just used by white people who tried to differentiate between black people, they were also used by black people.

In addition to the bag test, the comb test and the door test were also used.[65] The comb test was used to measure the kinkiness of a person's hair. The objective was for the comb to be able to pass through the hair without stopping. The door test was popular in some African American clubs and churches. The people who were in charge of those clubs and churches would paint their doors a certain shade of brown, similar to the bag test, and if people were darker than the doors, they were not admitted into the establishments. These tests were used to measure what level of "blackness" was and was not acceptable in the world. Because the lighter-skinned slaves were allowed to work in the house, they were more likely to be educated than the darker slaves were.[66] This birthed the stereotype that dark people were stupid and ignorant. Scholars predict that in the future, the preferred color of beauty will not be black or white, but mixed.[67] Scholars also predict that the United States will adopt a "multicultural matrix" which will help bridge the racial gap in efforts to achieve racial harmony, termed by some a coming "Browning of America". The matrix has four components, the mixed race will help fix racial issues, it serves as a sign of racial progress, it suggests that racism is a phenomenon and it also suggests that the focus on race is racist due to the lack of racial neutrality.[67] At the same time, some Americans view this "browning" as a racist conspiracy theory of demographic replacement, which has led to anxiety among the American white people believing that their identity and culture are under attack and will be displaced without changes to the US immigration system. Eric Peter Kaufmann explored these views among American whites and internationally in the 2018 book Whiteshift: Populism, Immigration and the Future of White Majorities.

A parallel but opposite critique of this theory is made by black scholars, who state that the problem is not racial neutrality but the negative way some races are unfairly perceived. As such, racial "browning" would just be another way to erase dark skin without correcting the bad way it is perceived. From this point of view, racial harmonization is not a valid response to racism at all. In his 2008 book The Browning of America and the Evasion of Social Justice, Ronald R. Sundstrom writes,[68]

...African American intellectual elites and public figures, as well as other liberals and progressives [perceive] the browning of America to be a threat to long-existing, or even traditional, claims of social justice by Native Americans and especially African Americans. Moreover, not only are their claims somehow threatened, but the very meaning of the legal principles, such as "civil rights," upon which their claims are based, is also experiencing transformation. For those who harbor such fears, the browning of America brings with it yet another opportunity for the nation to evade social justice.


A 2014 meta-analysis of racial discrimination in product markets found extensive evidence of minority applicants being quoted higher prices for products.[6] A 1995 study found that car dealers "quoted significantly lower prices to white males than to black or female test buyers using identical, scripted bargaining strategies."[69] A 2013 study found that eBay sellers of iPods received 21 percent more offers if a white hand held the iPod in the photo than a black hand.[70]

A 2014 study in the Journal of Economic Growth found that anti-black violence and terrorism, as well as segregation laws, reduced the economic activity and innovation of African Americans.[71]

African-Americans have historically faced discrimination in terms of getting access to credit.[72] A 2020 audit study of 17 banks found that black business owners who sought loans under the Paycheck Protection Program got substantially worse treatment than white business owners.[73] Bus drivers engaged in substantial discrimination against black passengers relative to white passengers.[74]

Criminal justice system

Research suggests that police practices, such as racial profiling, over-policing in areas populated by minorities and in-group bias may result in disproportionately high numbers of racial minorities among crime suspects.[75][76][77][78][79][80] Research also suggests that there is discrimination by the judicial system, which contributes to a higher number of convictions and unfavorable sentencing for racial minorities.[81][82][83][84][85][86][87][88][89]

Policing, arrests, and surveillance

A 2019 study, which made use of a dataset of the racial makeup of every U.S. sheriff over a 25-year period, found that "ratio of Black‐to‐White arrests is significantly higher under White sheriffs" and that the effects appear to be "driven by arrests for less‐serious offenses and by targeting Black crime types."[90]

In-group bias has also been observed when it comes to traffic citations, as black and white cops are more likely to cite out-groups.[77]

A 2019 study by the National Institute of Standards and Technology found that facial-recognition systems were substantially more likely to misidentify the faces of racial minorities.[91] Some ethnic groups, such as Asian-Americans and African-American, were up to 100 times more likely to be misidentified than white men.[91]

A 2018 study in the journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences found that tall young black men are especially likely to receive unjustified attention by law enforcement.[92] The authors furthermore found a "causal link between perceptions of height and perceptions of threat for Black men, particularly for perceivers who endorse stereotypes that Black people are more threatening than White people."[92]

Analysis of more than 20 million traffic stops in North Carolina showed that blacks were more than twice as likely as whites to be pulled over by police for traffic stops, and that blacks were more likely to be searched following the stop. There were no significant difference in the likelihood that Hispanics would be pulled over, but Hispanics were much more likely to be searched following a traffic stop than whites. When the study controlled for searches in high-crime areas, it still found that police disproportionately targeted black individuals. These racial disparities were particularly pronounced for young men. The study found that whites who were searched were more likely to carry contraband than blacks and Hispanics.[93][94] A 2020 study in the journal Nature found that black drivers were stopped more often than white drivers, and that the threshold by which police decided to search black and Hispanic drivers was lower than that for whites (judging by the rate at which contraband was found in searches).[95]

A 2013 report by the American Civil Liberties Union found that blacks were "3.73 times more likely than whites to be arrested for marijuana possession," even though "blacks and whites use drugs, including marijuana, at similar rates."[96]

Policing killings and use of force

A 2016 study by Roland G. Fryer, Jr. of the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER) found that while overall "blacks are 21 percent more likely than whites to be involved in an interaction with police in which at least a weapon is drawn" and that in the raw data from New York City's Stop and Frisk program "blacks and Hispanics are more than fifty percent more likely to have an interaction with police which involves any use of force" after "[p]artitioning the data in myriad ways, we find no evidence of racial discrimination in officer-involved shootings."[98] The study did find bias against blacks and Hispanics in non-lethal and less-extreme lethal violence, stating that "as the intensity of force increases (e.g. handcuffing civilians without arrest, drawing or pointing a weapon, or using pepper spray or a baton), the probability that any civilian is subjected to such treatment is small, but the racial difference remains surprisingly constant", and noted that "[u]ntil recently, data on officer-involved shootings were extremely rare and contained little information on the details surrounding an incident".[98]

After the NBER study was published in the peer-reviewed Journal of Political Economy, a comment on it by Steven Durlauf and (Nobel Prize in Economics recipient) James Heckman of the Harris School of Public Policy Studies at the University of Chicago stated, "[i]n our judgment, this paper does not establish credible evidence on the presence or absence of discrimination against African Americans in police shootings."[99] The NBER study's author, Roland G. Fryer Jr., responded by saying Durlauf and Heckman erroneously claim that his sample is "based on stops". Further, he states that the "vast majority of the data... is gleaned from 911 calls for service in which a civilian requests police presence."[100]

A 2018 study in the American Journal of Public Health found that black and Hispanic men were far more likely to be killed by police than white men.[101] Reports by the Department of Justice have also found that police officers in Baltimore, Maryland, and Ferguson, Missouri, systemically stop, search (in some cases strip-searching) and harass black residents.[102][103] A January 2017 report by the DOJ also found that the Chicago Police Department had "unconstitutionally engaged in a pattern of excessive and deadly force" and that police "have no regard for the sanctity of life when it comes to people of color."[104] A 2018 study found that police officers more likely to use lethal force on blacks.[105] A 2019 study in the Journal of Politics found that police officers were more likely to use lethal force on blacks, but that this "most likely driven by higher rates of police contact among African Americans rather than racial differences in the circumstances of the interaction and officer bias in the application of lethal force."[106] A 2019 study in the journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences found that blacks and American Indian/Alaska Natives are more likely to be killed by police than whites, and that Latino men are more likely to be killed than white men.[107] According to the study, "for young men of color, police use of force is among the leading causes of death."[107] A separate Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) study found that there were no racial disparities in police shootings by white police;[108] the findings of the study were disputed by Princeton University scholars who argued that the study's method and dataset made it impossible for the authors to reach that conclusion.[109][110] The authors of the original PNAS study corrected their article following the criticism by the Princeton scholars.[111] A study by Texas A&M University economists, which rectified some problems of selection bias identified in the literature above, found that white police officers were more likely to use force and guns than black police, and that white officers were five times as likely to use gun force in predominantly black neighborhoods.[112] A 2020 American Political Science Review study estimated that 39% of uses of force by police against blacks and Hispanics in New York City was racially discriminatory.[113]

Charging decisions

A 2018 study in the Journal of Empirical Legal Studies found that law enforcement officers in Texas who could charge shoplifters with two types of crimes (one more serious, one less so) due to a vaguely worded statute were more likely to charge blacks and Hispanics with the more serious crime.[114]

A 2017 report by the Marshall Project found that killings of black men by whites were far more likely to be deemed "justifiable" than killings by any other combination of races.[115]

Legal representation, bail decisions, trials, and convictions

A 2019 audit study found that lawyers are less likely to take on clients with black-sounding names than white-sounding names.[116]

A 2018 study in the Quarterly Journal of Economics found that bail judges in Miami and Philadelphia were racially biased against black defendants, as white defendants had higher rates of pretrial misconduct than black defendants.[86]

A 2012 study found that "(i) juries formed from all-white jury pools convict black defendants significantly (16 percentage points) more often than white defendants, and (ii) this gap in conviction rates is entirely eliminated when the jury pool includes at least one black member."[83]

A 2018 National Bureau of Economic Research experiment found that law students, economics students and practicing lawyers who watched 3D Virtual Reality videos of court trials (where the researchers altered the race of the defendants) showed a racial bias against minorities.[117]

DNA exonerations in rape cases strongly suggests that the wrongful conviction rate is higher for black convicts than white convicts.[118]


Research has found evidence of in-group bias, where "black (white) juveniles who are randomly assigned to black (white) judges are more likely to get incarcerated (as opposed to being placed on probation), and they receive longer sentences."[85]

A 2018 study in the American Economic Journal: Applied Economics found that judges gave longer sentences, in particular to black defendants, after their favorite team lost a home game.[119]

A 2014 study in the Journal of Political Economy found that 9% of the black-white gap in sentencing could not be accounted for.[87] The elimination of unexplained sentencing disparities would reduce "the level of black men in federal prison by 8,000–11,000 men [out of black male prison population of 95,000] and save $230–$320 million per year in direct costs."[87] The majority of the unexplained sentencing disparity appears to occur at the point when prosecutors decide to bring charges carrying "mandatory minimum" sentences.[87] A 2018 paper by Alma Cohen and Crystal Yang of Harvard Law School found that "that Republican-appointed judges give substantially longer prison sentences to black offenders versus observably similar non-black offenders compared to Democratic-appointed judges within the same district court."[120]

In criminal sentencing, medium to dark-skinned African Americans are likely to receive sentences 2.6 years longer than those of whites or light-skinned African Americans. When a white victim is involved, those with more "black" features are likely to receive a much more severe punishment.[121]

A 2016 report by the Sarasota Herald-Tribune found that Florida judges sentence black defendants to far longer prison sentences than whites with the same background.[122] For the same drug possession crimes, blacks were sentenced to double the time of whites.[122] Blacks were given longer sentences in 60 percent of felony cases, 68 percent of the most serious first-degree crimes, 45 percent of burglary cases and 30 percent of battery cases.[122] For third-degree felonies (the least serious types of felonies in Florida), white judges sentenced blacks to twenty percent more time than whites, whereas black judges gave more balanced sentences.[122]

A 2017 report by the United States Sentencing Commission (USSC) found, "after controlling for a wide variety of sentencing factors" (such as age, education, citizenship, weapon possession and prior criminal history), that "black male offenders received sentences on average 19.1 percent longer than similarly situated White male offenders."[123][124]

A 2014 study on the application of the death penalty in Connecticut over the period 1973–2007 found "that minority defendants who kill white victims are capitally charged at substantially higher rates than minority defendants who kill minorities... There is also strong and statistically significant evidence that minority defendants who kill whites are more likely to end up with capital sentences than comparable cases with white defendants."[125]

Prison system, parole, and pardons

A 2016 analysis by the New York Times "of tens of thousands of disciplinary cases against inmates in 2015, hundreds of pages of internal reports and three years of parole decisions found that racial disparities were embedded in the prison experience in New York."[126] Blacks and Latinos were sent more frequently to solitary and held there for longer durations than whites.[126] The New York Times analysis found that the disparities were the greatest for violations where the prison guards had much discretion, such as disobeying orders, but smaller for violations that required physical evidence, such as possessing contraband.[126]

According to a 2011 ProPublica analysis, "whites are nearly four times as likely as minorities to win a pardon, even when the type of crime and severity of sentence are taken into account."[127]


The U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Brown v. Board of Education (1954) that integrated, equal schools be accessible to all children unbiased to skin color. Currently in the United States, not all state funded schools are equally funded.  Schools are funded by the "federal, state, and local governments" while "states play a large and increasing role in education funding."[128] "Property taxes support most of the funding that local government provides for education."[128] Schools located in lower income areas receive a lower level of funding and schools located in higher income areas receiving greater funding for education all based on property taxes.  The U.S. Department of Education reports that "many high-poverty schools receive less than their fair share of state and local funding, leaving students in high-poverty schools with fewer resources than schools attended by their wealthier peers."[129] The U.S. Department of Education also reports this fact affects "more than 40% of low-income schools".[129] Children of color are much more likely to suffer from poverty than white children.

A 2015 study using correspondence tests "found that when considering requests from prospective students seeking mentoring in the future, faculty were significantly more responsive to White males than to all other categories of students, collectively, particularly in higher-paying disciplines and private institutions."[130] Through affirmative action, elite colleges consider a broader range of experiences for minority applicants.[131]

A 2016 study in the journal PNAS found that blacks and Hispanics were systemically underrepresented in education programs for gifted children where teachers and parents referred students to those programs; when a universal screening program based on IQ was used to refer students, the disparity was reduced significantly.[132]

The phrase "brown paper bag test", also known as a paper bag party, along with the "ruler test" refers to a ritual once practiced by certain African-American sororities and fraternities who would not let anyone into the group whose skin tone was darker than a paper bag.[133] Spike Lee's film School Daze satirized this practice at historically black colleges and universities.[134] Along with the "paper bag test", guidelines for acceptance among the lighter ranks included the "comb test" and "pencil test", which tested the coarseness of one's hair, and the "flashlight test", which tested a person's profile to make sure their features measured up or were close enough to those of the Caucasian race.[133]

A 2013 study used spectrophotometer readings to quantify skin color of respondents. White women experience discrimination in education, with those having darker skin graduating from college at lower rates than those with lighter skin. This precise and repeatable test of skin color revealed that white women experience skin color discrimination in education at levels consistent with African-Americans. White men are not affected in this way.[135]


A 2019 review of the literature in the Annual Review of Public Health found that structural racism, cultural racism, and individual-level discrimination are "a fundamental cause of adverse health outcomes for racial/ethnic minorities and racial/ethnic inequities in health."[136]

A 1999 study found that doctors treat black and white patients differently, even when their medical files were statistically identical.[137] When shown patient histories and asked to make judgments about heart disease, the doctors were much less likely to recommend cardiac catheterization (a helpful procedure) to black patients.[137] A 2015 study found that pediatricians were more likely to undertreat appendicitis pain in black children than white children.[138] A 2017 study found that medical staff treating anterior cruciate ligament (ACL) injuries perceived black collegiate athletes as having higher pain tolerance than white athletes.[139] A study by University of Toronto and Ohio State University economists found substantial evidence of racial discrimination against black veterans in terms of medical treatment and awarding of disability pensions in the late 19th and early 20th century; the discrimination was substantial enough to account for nearly the entire black-white mortality gap in the period.[140] A 2019 study in Science found that one widely used algorithm to assess health risks falsely concluded that "Black patients are healthier than equally sick White patients", thus leading health care providers to provide lower levels of care for black patients.[141] A 2020 study found that "when Black newborns are cared for by Black physicians, the mortality penalty they suffer, as compared with White infants, is halved."[142][143]

A 2018 ProPublica analysis found that African Americans and Native Americans were underrepresented in clinical trials for new drugs. Fewer than 5% of patients were African-American, even though they make up 13.4% of the total US population. African-Americans were even underrepresented in trials involving drugs intended for diseases that disproportionately affect African-Americans. As a result, African-Americans who had exhausted all other treatments have weaker access to experimental treatments.[144]

Studies have argued that there are racial disparities in how media and politicians act when faced with drug addiction where the victims are primarily black rather than white, citing the examples of how society responded differently to the crack epidemic than the opioid epidemic.[145][146]

Housing and land

A 2014 meta-analysis found extensive evidence of racial discrimination in the American housing market.[6] Minority applicants for housing needed to make many more enquiries to view properties.[6] Geographical steering of African-Americans in US housing remains significant.[6] A 2003 study found "evidence that agents interpret an initial housing request as an indication of a customer's preferences, but also are more likely to withhold a house from all customers when it is in an integrated suburban neighborhood (redlining). Moreover, agents' marketing efforts increase with asking price for white, but not for black, customers; blacks are more likely than whites to see houses in suburban, integrated areas (steering); and the houses agents show are more likely to deviate from the initial request when the customer is black than when the customer is white. These three findings are consistent with the possibility that agents act upon the belief that some types of transactions are relatively unlikely for black customers (statistical discrimination)."[147] Real estate appraisers discriminate against black homeowners.[148] Historically, there was extensive and long-lasting racial discrimination against African-Americans in the housing and mortgage markets in the United States,[149][150] as well as against black farmers whose numbers declined massively in post-WWII America due to anti-black local and federal policy.[151] Government actions in part facilitated racial discrimination in the housing market, leading to substantial and persistent racial residential segregation, and contributing to the racial wealth gap .[152]

According to a 2019 analysis by University of Pittsburgh economists, blacks faced a two-fold penalty due to the racially segregated housing market: rental prices increased in blocks when they underwent racial transition whereas home values declined in neighborhoods that blacks moved into.[153] A 2016 study found that industrial use zoning in Chicago tended to be allocated to neighborhoods populated by racial minorities.[154]

A report by the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development where the department sent African-Americans and whites to look at apartments found that African-Americans were shown fewer apartments to rent and houses for sale.[155] A 2017 study found that "that applications [for Airbnb housing] from guests with distinctively African American names are 16 percent less likely to be accepted relative to identical guests with distinctively white names."[156] A 2020 audit study of Boston found that prospective white renters were 32 percentage points more likely to be shown an apartment than similar prospective black renters.[157][158]

A 2017 paper by Troesken and Walsh found that pre-20th century cities "created and sustained residential segregation through private norms and vigilante activity." However, "when these private arrangements began to break down during the early 1900s" whites started "lobbying municipal governments for segregation ordinances". As a result, cities passed ordinances which "prohibited members of the majority racial group on a given city block from selling or renting property to members of another racial group" between 1909 and 1917.[159]

Government policies have contributed significantly to the racial gap in homeownership, as various government policies and benefits have made it easier for whites to become homeowners relative to blacks.[160] A 2017 study by Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago economists found that the practice of redlining—the practice whereby banks discriminated against the inhabitants of certain neighborhoods—had a persistent adverse impact on the neighborhoods, with redlining affecting homeownership rates, home values and credit scores in 2010.[161][162] Since many African-Americans could not access conventional home loans, they had to turn to predatory lenders (who charged high interest rates).[162] Due to lower home ownership rates, slumlords were able to rent out apartments that would otherwise be owned.[162] A 2019 analysis estimated that predatory housing contracts targeting African-Americans in Chicago in the 1950s and 1960s cost black families between $3 billion and $4 billion in wealth.[163]

A 2017 study in Research & Politics found that white supporters of Donald Trump became less likely to approve of federal housing assistance when they were shown an image of a black man.[164][165]

A 2018 study in the American Sociological Review found that housing market professionals (real estate agents, housing developers, mortgage appraisers and home value appraisers) held derogatory racial views about black and Latino individuals and neighborhoods whereas white individuals and neighborhoods were beneficiaries of widely shared, positive racial beliefs.[166]

A 2018 experimental study by University of Illinois and Duke University economists found that real estate agents and housing providers systematically recommended homes in neighborhoods with higher poverty rates, greater pollution, higher crime rates, fewer college educated families, and fewer skilled workers to minority individuals who had all the same characteristics as white individuals except ethnic differences.[167]

A 2018 study in the American Political Science Review found that white voters in areas which experienced massive African-American population growth between 1940 and 1960 were more likely to vote for California Proposition 14 (1964) which sought to enshrine legal protections for landlords and property owners who discriminated against "colored" buyers and renters.[168]

A 2018 study in the Journal of Politics found extensive evidence of discrimination against blacks and Hispanics in the New York City rental market.[169] A 2018 study in the journal Regional Science and Urban Economics found that there was discrimination against blacks and Arab males in the U.S. rental market.[170] A 2018 study in the Journal of Regional Science found that "black households pay more for identical housing in identical neighborhoods than their white counterparts... In neighborhoods with the smallest fraction white, the premium is about 0.6%. In neighborhoods with the largest fraction white, it is about 2.4%."[171]

Labor market

Several meta-analyses find extensive evidence of ethnic and racial discrimination in hiring in the American labor market.[6][7][8][172] A 2017 meta-analysis found "no change in the levels of discrimination against African Americans since 1989, although we do find some indication of declining discrimination against Latinos."[173] A 2016 meta-analysis of 738 correspondence tests – tests where identical CVs for stereotypically black and white names were sent to employers – in 43 separate studies conducted in OECD countries between 1990 and 2015 finds that there is extensive racial discrimination in hiring decisions in Europe and North America.[7] These correspondence tests showed that equivalent minority candidates need to send around 50% more applications to be invited for an interview than majority candidates.[7][174] A study that examine the job applications of actual people provided with identical résumés and similar interview training showed that African-American applicants with no criminal record were offered jobs at a rate as low as white applicants who had criminal records.[175] A 2018 National Bureau of Economic Research paper found evidence of racial bias in how CVs were evaluated.[176] A 2020 study found that there is not only discrimination towards minorities in callback rates in audit studies, but that the discrimination gets more severe after the callbacks in terms of job offers.[177] A 2021 study found discrimination among Swiss job recruiters against immigrant and minority groups.[178]

Research suggests that light-skinned African American women have higher salaries and greater job satisfaction than dark-skinned women.[179] Being "too black" has recently been acknowledged by the U.S. Federal courts in an employment discrimination case under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. In Etienne v. Spanish Lake Truck & Casino Plaza, LLC the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, determined that an employee who was told on several occasions that her manager thought she was "too black" to do various tasks, found that the issue of the employee's skin color rather than race itself, played a key role in an employer's decision to keep the employee from advancing.[180] A 2018 study found evidence suggesting discrimination towards immigrants with darker skin colors.[181]

A 2019 experimental study found that there was a bias against blacks, Latinos and women in hirings of postdocs in the fields of biology and physics.[182][183] A 2020 study, which used a natural experiment with sun exposure and tans found that darker-skinned individuals are discriminated against in the labor market.[184]

A 2008 study found that black service providers receive lower tips than white service providers.[185] Research shows that "ban the box" (the removal of the check box asking job applicants if they have criminal records) leads employers to discriminate against young, black low-skilled applicants, possibly because employers simply assume these applicants have checkered pasts when they are not able to confirm it.[186]


Colorism in movies, print, and music can take place in several forms. It can be the representation of people of color in an ill light, the hiring of actors based on their skin color, the use of colors in costumes with the intention to differentiate good and evil characters, or simply failing to represent people of color at all.[187]

A 2017 report by Travis L. Dixon (of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign) found that major media outlets tended to portray black families as dysfunctional and dependent while white families were portrayed as stable. These portrayals may give the impression that poverty and welfare are primarily black issues. According to Dixon, this can reduce public support for social safety programs and lead to stricter welfare requirements.[188][189] A 2018 study found that media portrayals of Muslims were substantially more negative than for other religious groups (even when controlling for relevant factors).[190] A 2019 study described media portrayals of minority women in crime news stories as based on "outdated and harmful stereotypes".[191]

African Americans possessing lighter skin complexion and "European features", such as lighter eyes, and smaller noses and lips have more opportunities in the media industry. For example, film producers hire lighter-skinned African Americans more often, television producers choose lighter-skinned cast members, and magazine editors choose African American models that resemble European features.[192] A content analysis conducted by Scott and Neptune (1997) shows that less than one percent of advertisements in major magazines featured African American models. When African Americans did appear in advertisements they were mainly portrayed as athletes, entertainers or unskilled laborers. In addition, seventy percent of the advertisements that features animal print included African American women. Animal print reinforces the stereotypes that African Americans are animalistic in nature, sexually active, less educated, have lower income, and extremely concerned with personal appearances.[193] Concerning African American males in the media, darker-skinned men are more likely to be portrayed as violent or more threatening, influencing the public perception of African American men. Since dark-skinned males are more likely to be linked to crime and misconduct, many people develop preconceived notions about the characteristics of black men.[194]

Colorism was, and still is, very much evident in the media. An example of this is shown in the minstrel shows that were popular during and after slavery. Minstrel shows were a very popular form of theater that involved white and black people in black face portraying black people while doing demeaning things. The actors painted their faces with black paint to and over lined their lips with bright red lipstick to exaggerate and make fun of black people.[195] When minstrel shows died out and television became popular, black actors were rarely hired and when they were, they had very specific roles. These roles included being servants, slaves, idiots, and criminals.[196]

The absence of people of color in media, in settings they can normally should be present, is also called erasure.[197]


A 2011 study found that white state legislators of both political parties were less likely to respond to constituents with African-American names.[198] A 2013 study found that in response to e-mail correspondence from a putatively black alias, "nonblack legislators were markedly less likely to respond when their political incentives to do so were diminished, black legislators typically continued to respond even when doing so promised little political reward. Black legislators thus appear substantially more intrinsically motivated to advance blacks' interests."[199]

Some research suggests that white voters' voting behavior is motivated by racial threat. A 2016 study, for instance, found that white Chicago voters' turnout decreased when public housing was reconstructed and 25,000 African Americans displaced. This suggest that white voters' turnout decreased due to not living in proximity to African-Americans.[200]

Voter ID laws have brought on accusations of racial discrimination. In a 2014 review by the Government Accountability Office of the academic literature, three studies out of five found that voter ID laws reduced minority turnout whereas two studies found no significant impact.[201] Disparate impact may also be reflected in access to information about voter ID laws. A 2015 experimental study found that election officials queried about voter ID laws are more likely to respond to emails from a non-Latino white name (70.5% response rate) than a Latino name (64.8% response rate), though response accuracy was similar across groups.[202] Studies have also analyzed racial differences in ID requests rates. A 2012 study in the city of Boston found that black and Hispanic voters were more likely to be asked for ID during the 2008 election. According to exit polls, 23% of whites, 33% of blacks, and 38% of Hispanics were asked for ID, though this effect is partially attributed to black and Hispanics preferring non-peak voting hours when election officials inspected a greater portion of IDs. Precinct differences also confound the data as black and Hispanic voters tended to vote at black and Hispanic-majority precincts.[203] A 2010 study of the 2006 midterm election in New Mexico found that Hispanics were more likely to incur ID requests while early voters, women, and non-Hispanics were less likely to incur requests.[204] A 2009 study of the 2006 midterm election nationwide found that 47% of white voters reported being asked to show photo identification at the polls, compared with 54% of Hispanics and 55% of African Americans."[205] Very few were however denied the vote as a result of voter identification requests.[205] A 2015 study found that turnout among blacks in Georgia was generally higher since the state began enforcing its strict voter ID law.[206] A 2016 study by University of California, San Diego researchers found that voter ID laws "have a differentially negative impact on the turnout of Hispanics, Blacks, and mixed-race Americans in primaries and general elections."[207]

Research by University of Oxford economist Evan Soltas and Stanford political scientist David Broockman suggests that voters act upon racially discriminatory tastes.[208] A 2018 study in Public Opinion Quarterly found that whites, in particular those who had racial resentment, largely attributed Obama's success among African-Americans to his race, and not his characteristics as a candidate and the political preferences of African-Americans.[209] A 2018 study in the journal American Politics Research found that white voters tended to misperceive political candidates from racial minorities as being more ideologically extreme than objective indicators would suggest; this adversely affected the electoral chances for those candidates.[210] A 2018 study in the Journal of Politics found that "when a white candidate makes vague statements, many [nonblack] voters project their own policy positions onto the candidate, increasing support for the candidate. But they are less likely to extend black candidates the same courtesy... In fact, black male candidates who make ambiguous statements are actually punished for doing so by racially prejudiced voters."[211]

A 2018 study found evidence of racial-motivated reasoning as voters assessed President Barack Obama's economic performance. The study found that "Whites attributed more responsibility to Obama under negative economic conditions (i.e., blame) than positive economic conditions (i.e., credit)... Whites attributed equal responsibility to the President and governors for negative economic conditions, but gave more responsibility to governors than Obama for positive conditions. Whites also gave governors more responsibility for state improvements than they gave Obama for national ones."[212]

A 2018 study examining "all 24 African American challengers (non-incumbents) from 2000 to 2014 to white challengers from the same party running in the same state for the same office around the same time" found "that white challengers are about three times more likely to win and receive about 13 percentage points more support among white voters. These estimates hold when controlling for a number of potential confounding factors and when employing several statistical matching estimators."[213]

A 2019 study found that whites are less supportive of welfare when they are told that blacks are the majority of recipients (as opposed to whites).[214] However, when informed that most welfare recipients eventually gain jobs and leave the welfare program, this racial bias disappears.[214]

An analysis by MIT political scientist Regina Bateson found that Americans engage in strategic discrimination against racial minority candidates out of a belief that they are less electable than white male candidates: "In the abstract, Americans consider white men more "electable" than equally qualified black and female candidates. Additionally, concerns about winning the votes of white men can cause voters to rate black and female Democratic candidates as less capable of beating Donald Trump in 2020."[215]

A 2019 paper found, using smartphone data, that voters in predominantly black neighborhoods waited far longer at polling places than voters in white neighborhoods.[216]


Studies have shown that due to societal influences, many people associate beauty with lighter skin. This is especially evident in children.[217] This belief has led dark-skinned children to feel inadequate in who they are and inferior when compared to people with lighter skin. African American women believe they would have better luck dating if they were of lighter skin, especially when dating African American men.[218]

During the time that African Americans were forced into slavery, slave owners would use the "paper bag test", which compared their skin color to a paper bag to distinguish whether their complexion was too dark to work inside of the house.[219] African Americans' desire for lighter complexions and European features goes back to slavery. Slaves that had a lighter complexion would have the privilege to work indoors while slaves with darker skin were required to work outside in the fields. The complexions of African American slaves reflected how they got treated and the severity of their punishments if they did not comply to the lifestyle that they were forced into.[220]

The access to and resources to purchase skincare products or services impacted the notions of colorism among African American women, since enslaved and impoverished black women were more limited in their grooming, which affected the way they were treated by their masters. For example, more light-skinned black women were marketed as “Negroes fit for domestic service” in their masters’ homes.[221]

European beauty standards continue to have an long lasting impact within today's U.S. society — and not only limited to African American women, children, and men, but also on those from different nations. In an article written by Susan L. Bryant, she mentions a study by Kenneth and Mamie Clark referred to as the "Doll Test" which became more widely known because of the Supreme Court Case Brown v. Board of Education. In her article, Bryant states that the European beauty standard is "the notion that the more closely associated a person is with European features, the more attractive he or she is considered; these standards deem attributes that are most closely related to whiteness, such as lighter skin, straight hair, a thin nose and lips, and light colored eyes, as beautiful."[222]

The study was an experiment where 253 black children of ages three to seven were shown two identical dolls, one black and one white, in a nursery and public school located in Arkansas and Massachusetts. Two-thirds of the children indicated that they liked the white dolls better in spite of those children being black.[223] Over the years, the experiment has been repeated and still results in a clear preference for the lighter-skin doll and an internalization of self-hate among black children because of unaddressed European beauty standards. It also found that a child's environment and family life can serve as the biggest influence on their ideals of what is acceptable or unacceptable as to what they define in terms of beauty.[224]


A 2018 study found evidence that non-black voters in Heisman Trophy voting were biased against non-black players.[225] A 2021 study found that Black NBA players were 30% more likely to exit the league in any given season than white players with similar player statistics.[226] A 2019 study found that after controlling for objective measures of performance, broadcast commentators were "more likely to discuss the performance and mental abilities of lighter-skinned players and the physical characteristics of darker-skinned players" in the Men’s Division I Basketball Tournament.[227]

A 2020 report found that football commentators were more likely to praise white players for their intelligence and leadership qualities, while criticizing black players for lacking those attributes. Black players were four more times likely to be praised for their strength, and seven times more likely to be praised for their speed.[228]

A 2017 study found that racially resentful Whites become less likely to favor salaries for college athletes when they are primed to think about African Americans.[229]

See also


  1. ^ Jones, Trina (2001). "Shades of Brown: The Law of Skin Color". Duke Law Journal. 49 (1487). doi:10.2139/ssrn.233850.
  2. ^ Ware, Leland. "'Color Struck': Intragroup and Cross-racial Color Discrimination". Race, Racism and the Law. Retrieved 2019-10-29.
  3. ^ Preventing Disease Through Healthy Environments: Mercury in Skin Lightening Products (Report). World Health Organization Department of Public Health, Environmental and Social Determinants of Health. 2019. WHO/CED/PHE/EPE/19.13. Archived from the original on 2020-06-13.
  4. ^ a b c d Backhaus, Anne; Okunmwendia, Ella (2020-06-16). "Skin Bleaching in Ghana: "When You Are Light-Skinned, You Earn More"". Global Societies. Spiegel International. Der Spiegel. Archived from the original on 2020-10-01.
  5. ^ Gbetoh, Mètogbé Honoré; Amyot, Marc (October 2016). "Mercury, hydroquinone and clobetasol propionate in skin lightening products in West Africa and Canada". Environmental Research. 150: 403–410. doi:10.1016/j.envres.2016.06.030. hdl:1866/19006. ISSN 0013-9351. OCLC 1137329629. PMID 27372064.
  6. ^ a b c d e f g h Rich, Judith (November 2014). "What Do Field Experiments of Discrimination in Markets Tell Us? A Meta Analysis of Studies Conducted Since 2000". IZA Discussion Paper No. 8584. SSRN 2517887.
  7. ^ a b c d e f g h i Zschirnt, Eva; Ruedin, Didier (2016-05-27). "Ethnic discrimination in hiring decisions: a meta-analysis of correspondence tests 1990–2015" (PDF). Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies. 42 (7): 1115–1134. doi:10.1080/1369183X.2015.1133279. hdl:10419/142176. S2CID 10261744. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2018-11-04. Retrieved 2018-05-16.
  8. ^ a b c P. A. Riach; J. Rich (November 2002). "Field Experiments of Discrimination in the Market Place" (PDF). The Economic Journal. 112 (483): F480–F518. doi:10.1111/1468-0297.00080. S2CID 19024888.
  9. ^ Monk, Ellis P. (2015-09-01). "The Cost of Color: Skin Color, Discrimination, and Health among African-Americans". American Journal of Sociology. 121 (2): 396–444. doi:10.1086/682162. PMID 26594713. S2CID 10357627.
  10. ^ Monk, Ellis P. (2014-06-01). "Skin Tone Stratification among Black Americans, 2001–2003". Social Forces. 92 (4): 1313–1337. doi:10.1093/sf/sou007. S2CID 145107271.
  11. ^ a b c "Skin Deep: Dying to be White". CNN. 2002-05-15. Retrieved 2010-09-08.
  12. ^ a b c d e P.H., Li, Eric; Jeong, Min, Hyun; W., Belk, Russell (2008-01-01). "Skin Lightening and Beauty in Four Asian Cultures". NA - Advances in Consumer Research. 35. Archived from the original on 2019-06-18. Retrieved 2016-10-26.
  13. ^ "In the dark: what is behind India's obsession with skin whitening?". Archived from the original on 2019-06-18. Retrieved 2017-03-12.
  14. ^ "Skin whitening big business in Asia". Public Radio International. 30 March 2009. Archived from the original on 18 June 2019. Retrieved 18 November 2013.
  15. ^ Verma, Harsh (2011). "Skin 'fairness'-Culturally Embedded Meaning and Branding Implications". Global Business Review. 12 (2): 193–211. doi:10.1177/097215091101200202. S2CID 145725139.
  16. ^ Adrian, Bonnie (2003). Framing the Bride: Globalizing Beauty and Romance in Taiwan's Bridal Industry. University of California Press. pp. 147–179. ISBN 978-0-520-23833-6.
  17. ^ a b c d e f g h i Wagatsuma, Hiroshi (1967). "The Social Perception of Skin Color in Japan". Daedalus. 96 (2): 407–443.
  18. ^ "Miss Universe Malaysia pageant contestants 'look too western'".
  19. ^ "Malaysian ads move triggers industry row".
  20. ^ Kemper, Steven (1 May 2001). Buying and Believing: Sri Lankan Advertising and Consumers in a Transnational World. University of Chicago Press. p. 153. ISBN 9780226430409.
  21. ^ Shankar, Ravi (2007). "Fair Skin in South Asia: an obsession?". Journal of Pakistan Association of Dermatologists. 17: 100–104.
  22. ^ Mishra, Neha. "India and Colorism: The Finer Nuances". Washington University Global Studies Law Review. 14.
  23. ^ Savita Malik, The Domination of Fair Skin: Skin Whitening, Indian Women and Public Health, San Francisco State University Department of Health Education (2007).
  24. ^ "header test". fairandlovely-in. Archived from the original on 2018-12-09. Retrieved 2019-11-28.
  25. ^ Rajesh, Monisha (14 August 2013). "India's unfair obsession with lighter skin". The Guardian.
  26. ^ Yasir, Sameer; Gettleman, Jeffrey (28 June 2020). "India Debates Skin-Tone Bias as Beauty Companies Alter Ads". The New York Times.
  27. ^ "Black Lives Matter Gets Indians Talking About Skin Lightening And Colorism". NPR.org.
  28. ^ CNN, Melissa Mahtani. "An Asian dating website has removed an option that asked users to specify their skin tone". CNN.
  29. ^ Sims, Cynthia; Hirudayaraj, Malar (2015). "The Impact of Colorism on the Career Aspirations and Career Opportunities of Women in India". Advances in Developing Human Resources. 18 (I): 38–53. doi:10.1177/1523422315616339. S2CID 147087265.
  30. ^ "Fair skin obsession: An inferiority complex that needs treatment".
  31. ^ Jinasena, Shyama (1 September 2014). "How the Korean Soap Opera Influence Sri lankan's Life". International Journal of Human Movement and Sports Sciences. 2 (5). doi:10.13189/saj.2014.020502 (inactive 2021-01-14).CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of January 2021 (link)
  32. ^ "When Fair isn't fair and Lovely isn't lovely in Sri Lanka - Djed". 31 July 2018.
  33. ^ a b Fihlani, Pumza (January 2013). "Africa: Where black is not really beautiful". BBC News.
  34. ^ a b c Jacobs, Meagan; Levine, Susan; Abney, Kate; Davids, Lester (2016). "Fifty shades of African lightness: A bio-psychosocial review of the global phenomenon of skin lightening practices". Journal of Public Health in Africa. 7 (2): 552. doi:10.4081/jphia.2016.552. PMC 5345401. PMID 28299156.
  35. ^ a b "Diskriminering i rättsprocessen - Brå". bra.se (in svenska). Archived from the original on 2017-03-17. Retrieved 2016-01-26.
  36. ^ Hällsten, Martin; Szulkin, Ryszard; Sarnecki, Jerzy (2013-05-01). "Crime as a Price of Inequality? The Gap in Registered Crime between Childhood Immigrants, Children of Immigrants and Children of Native Swedes". British Journal of Criminology. 53 (3): 456–481. doi:10.1093/bjc/azt005. Archived from the original on 2016-11-21. Retrieved 2016-04-23.
  37. ^ a b Crocitti, Stefania (2014). Immigration, Crime, and Criminalization in Italy - Oxford Handbooks. The Oxford Handbook of Ethnicity, Crime, and Immigration. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199859016.013.029. Archived from the original on 2019-06-18. Retrieved 2016-04-23.
  38. ^ a b Colombo, Asher (2013-11-01). "Foreigners and immigrants in Italy's penal and administrative detention systems". European Journal of Criminology. 10 (6): 746–759. doi:10.1177/1477370813495128. S2CID 145099179.
  39. ^ Parmar, Alpa (2014). Ethnicities, Racism, and Crime in England and Wales - Oxford Handbooks. The Oxford Handbook of Ethnicity, Crime, and Immigration. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199859016.013.014. Archived from the original on 2019-06-18. Retrieved 2016-04-23.
  40. ^ Holmberg, Lars; Kyvsgaard, Britta (2003). "Are Immigrants and Their Descendants Discriminated against in the Danish Criminal Justice System?". Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology and Crime Prevention. 4 (2): 125–142. doi:10.1080/14043850310020027. S2CID 143646955.
  41. ^ Roché, Sebastian; Gordon, Mirta B.; Depuiset, Marie-Aude (2014). Case Study - Oxford Handbooks. The Oxford Handbook of Ethnicity, Crime, and Immigration. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199859016.013.030.
  42. ^ Light, Michael T. (2016-03-01). "The Punishment Consequences of Lacking National Membership in Germany, 1998–2010". Social Forces. 94 (3): 1385–1408. doi:10.1093/sf/sov084. S2CID 155814847.
  43. ^ Wermink, Hilde; Johnson, Brian D.; Nieuwbeerta, Paul; Keijser, Jan W. de (2015-11-01). "Expanding the scope of sentencing research: Determinants of juvenile and adult punishment in the Netherlands". European Journal of Criminology. 12 (6): 739–768. doi:10.1177/1477370815597253. S2CID 143366742.
  44. ^ Acolin, Arthur; Bostic, Raphael; Painter, Gary (2016-09-01). "A field study of rental market discrimination across origins in France". Journal of Urban Economics. 95: 49–63. doi:10.1016/j.jue.2016.07.003.
  45. ^ Adida, Claire L.; Laitin, David D.; Valfort, Marie-Anne (2010-12-28). "Identifying barriers to Muslim integration in France". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 107 (52): 22384–22390. Bibcode:2010PNAS..10722384A. doi:10.1073/pnas.1015550107. PMC 3012481. PMID 21098283.
  46. ^ Walkowitz, Gari (2019). "Employers discriminate against immigrants and criminal offenders— Experimental evidence". Economics Letters. 174: 140–143. doi:10.1016/j.econlet.2018.11.003. ISSN 0165-1765.
  47. ^ Siddique, Haroon (2019-01-17). "Minority ethnic Britons face 'shocking' job discrimination". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved 2019-01-19.
  48. ^ Heath, Anthony F.; Stasio, Valentina Di (2019). "Racial discrimination in Britain, 1969–2017: a meta-analysis of field experiments on racial discrimination in the British labour market". The British Journal of Sociology. 70 (5): 1774–1798. doi:10.1111/1468-4446.12676. ISSN 1468-4446. PMID 31168788.
  49. ^ Raya, Josep Maria; Nicodemo, Catia; McMillen, Daniel (2018-11-17). "Does Juan Carlos or Nelson Obtain a Larger Price Cut in the Spanish Housing Market?". Urban Affairs Review. 56 (5): 1581–1604. doi:10.1177/1078087418811081. hdl:10419/185271. ISSN 1078-0874. S2CID 115149919.
  50. ^ "Centre for Economic Policy Research". cepr.org. Retrieved 2017-08-26.
  51. ^ Olsen, Asmus Leth; Kyhse‐Andersen, Jonas Høgh; Moynihan, Donald (2021). "The Unequal Distribution of Opportunity: A National Audit Study of Bureaucratic Discrimination in Primary School Access". American Journal of Political Science. n/a (n/a). doi:10.1111/ajps.12584. ISSN 1540-5907.
  52. ^ Hernandez, Tanya K. (2006). "Bringing Clarity to Race Relations in Brazil". Diverse: Issues in Higher Education. 23 (18): 85.
  53. ^ Santana, Vilma; Almeida-Filho, Naomar; Roberts, Robert; Cooper, Sharon P. (2007). "Skin Color, Perception of Racism and Depression among Adolescents in Urban Brazil". Child and Adolescent Mental Health. 12 (3): 125–131. doi:10.1111/j.1475-3588.2007.00447.x. PMID 32811081.
  54. ^ Monk, Ellis P. (2016-08-01). "The Consequences of "Race and Color" in Brazil". Social Problems. 63 (3): 413–430. doi:10.1093/socpro/spw014.
  55. ^ Bueno, Natália S.; Dunning, Thad (2017-01-01). "Race, Resources, and Representation: Evidence from Brazilian Politicians". World Politics. 69 (2): 327–365. doi:10.1017/S0043887116000290. ISSN 0043-8871.
  56. ^ Marteleto, Letícia J.; Dondero, Molly (2016-07-21). "Racial Inequality in Education in Brazil: A Twins Fixed-Effects Approach". Demography. 53 (4): 1185–1205. doi:10.1007/s13524-016-0484-8. PMC 5026925. PMID 27443551.
  57. ^ Botelho, Fernando; Madeira, Ricardo A.; Rangel, Marcos A. (2015). "AEJ: Applied (7,4) p. 37 - Racial Discrimination in Grading: Evidence from Brazil" (PDF). American Economic Journal: Applied Economics. 7 (4): 37–52. doi:10.1257/app.20140352.
  58. ^ François, Gerard; Lorenzo, Lagos; Edson, Severnini; David, Card (2018-10-18). "Assortative Matching or Exclusionary Hiring? The Impact of Firm Policies on Racial Wage Differences in Brazil". NBER. doi:10.3386/w25176 (inactive 2021-01-14).CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of January 2021 (link)
  59. ^ "Estudio revela que alumnos de piel morena son considerados como 'menos competentes' en los colegios chilenos". Centro de Estudios de Políticas y Prácticas en Educación CEPPE de la U. Católica y Ediciones UC (in español). Retrieved 2018-05-14.
  60. ^ "Study reveals racial inequality in Mexico, disproving its 'race-blind' rhetoric". The Conversation. Retrieved 2018-05-14.
  61. ^ Hill, Mark E (2002). "Skin Color and the Perception of Attractiveness Among African Americans: Does Gender Make a Difference?". Social Psychology Quarterly. 65 (1): 77–91. doi:10.2307/3090169. JSTOR 3090169.
  62. ^ Russell, K., Wilson, M., & Hall, R. (1993). The color complex: The politics of skin color among African Americans. New York: Anchor Books.
  64. ^ "Brown Paper Bag Test - 2014 - Question of the Month - Jim Crow Museum - Ferris State University". ferris.edu. Retrieved 2017-11-14.
  65. ^ "Testing Blackness - Ask Me About My Hair (.com)". Ask Me About My Hair (.com). 2014-02-10. Archived from the original on 2015-05-24. Retrieved 2017-11-14.
  66. ^ Keith, Verna M.; Herring, Cedric (1991). "Skin Tone and Stratification in the Black Community". American Journal of Sociology. 97 (3): 760–764. doi:10.1086/229819. JSTOR 2781783. S2CID 145588099.
  67. ^ a b Harris, Angela (January 2008). "From Color Line to Color Chart: Racism and Colorism in the New Century". 10 (1): 53. Retrieved March 9, 2018. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  68. ^ Sundstrom, Ronald Robles (2008). "Introduction". In Bernasconi, Robert; Sharpley-Whiting, Tracy Denean (eds.). The Browning of America and the Evasion of Social Justice. Philosophy and Race. State University of New York Press. p. 2. ISBN 9780791475850. OCLC 187300169.
  69. ^ Ayres, Ian; Siegelman, Peter (1995-01-01). "Race and Gender Discrimination in Bargaining for a New Car". American Economic Review. 85 (3): 304–21. JSTOR 2118176.
  70. ^ Doleac, Jennifer L.; Stein, Luke C.D. (2013-11-01). "The Visible Hand: Race and Online Market Outcomes". The Economic Journal. 123 (572): F469–F492. doi:10.1111/ecoj.12082. S2CID 154984687.
  71. ^ Cook, Lisa D. (2014). "Violence and economic activity: evidence from African American patents, 1870–1940". Journal of Economic Growth. 19 (2): 221–257. doi:10.1007/s10887-014-9102-z. ISSN 1381-4338. S2CID 153971489.
  72. ^ Hyman, Louis (2011). "Ending Discrimination, Legitimating Debt: The Political Economy of Race, Gender, and Credit Access in the 1960s and 1970s". Enterprise & Society. 12 (1): 200–232. doi:10.1017/S1467222700009770. ISSN 1467-2227. S2CID 154351557.
  73. ^ Flitter, Emily (2020-07-15). "Black Business Owners Had a Harder Time Getting Federal Aid, a Study Finds". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2020-07-17.
  74. ^ Mujcic, Redzo; Frijters, Paul (2020). "The Colour of a Free Ride". The Economic Journal. doi:10.1093/ej/ueaa090.
  75. ^ Warren, Patricia Y.; Tomaskovic-Devey, Donald (2009-05-01). "Racial profiling and searches: Did the politics of racial profiling change police behavior?". Criminology & Public Policy. 8 (2): 343–369. doi:10.1111/j.1745-9133.2009.00556.x.
  76. ^ Statistics on Race and the Criminal Justice System 2008/09, p. 8., 22
  77. ^ a b West, Jeremy (February 2018). "Racial Bias in Police Investigations" (PDF). Working Paper.
  78. ^ Donohue III, John J.; Levitt, Steven D. (2001-01-01). "The Impact of Race on Policing and Arrests". The Journal of Law & Economics. 44 (2): 367–394. CiteSeerX doi:10.1086/322810. JSTOR 10.1086/322810. S2CID 1547854.
  79. ^ Baumgartner, Frank R., Epp, Derek A., Shoub, Kelsey (2018). Suspect citizens : what 20 million traffic stops tell us about policing and race. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-108-42931-3. OCLC 1096260203.CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  80. ^ Hinton, Elizabeth; Cook, DeAnza (2020-06-29). "The Mass Criminalization of Black Americans: A Historical Overview". Annual Review of Criminology. 4: 261–286. doi:10.1146/annurev-criminol-060520-033306. ISSN 2572-4568.
  81. ^ Abrams, David S.; Bertrand, Marianne; Mullainathan, Sendhil (2012-06-01). "Do Judges Vary in Their Treatment of Race?". The Journal of Legal Studies. 41 (2): 347–383. doi:10.1086/666006. S2CID 2338687.
  82. ^ Mustard, David B. (2001). "Racial, Ethnic, and Gender Disparities in Sentencing: Evidence from the U.S. Federal Courts". The Journal of Law and Economics. 44 (1): 285–314. doi:10.1086/320276. S2CID 154533225.
  83. ^ a b Anwar, Shamena; Bayer, Patrick; Hjalmarsson, Randi (2012-05-01). "The Impact of Jury Race in Criminal Trials". The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 127 (2): 1017–1055. doi:10.1093/qje/qjs014.
  84. ^ Daudistel, Howard C.; Hosch, Harmon M.; Holmes, Malcolm D.; Graves, Joseph B. (1999-02-01). "Effects of Defendant Ethnicity on Juries' Dispositions of Felony Cases". Journal of Applied Social Psychology. 29 (2): 317–336. doi:10.1111/j.1559-1816.1999.tb01389.x.
  85. ^ a b Depew, Briggs; Eren, Ozkan; Mocan, Naci (2017). "Judges, Juveniles, and In-Group Bias" (PDF). Journal of Law and Economics. 60 (2): 209–239. doi:10.1086/693822. S2CID 147631237.
  86. ^ a b Arnold, David; Dobbie, Will; Yang, Crystal S. (2018). "Racial Bias in Bail Decisions" (PDF). The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 133 (4): 1885–1932. doi:10.1093/qje/qjy012. S2CID 13703268.
  87. ^ a b c d Rehavi, M. Marit; Starr, Sonja B. (2014). "Racial Disparity in Federal Criminal Sentences". Journal of Political Economy. 122 (6): 1320–1354. doi:10.1086/677255. ISSN 0022-3808. S2CID 3348344.
  88. ^ Yang, Crystal S.; Cohen, Alma (2019). "Judicial Politics and Sentencing Decisions". American Economic Journal: Economic Policy. 11 (1): 160–91. doi:10.1257/pol.20170329. ISSN 1945-7731.
  89. ^ Arnold, David; Dobbie, Will S; Hull, Peter (2020). "Measuring Racial Discrimination in Bail Decisions". Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  90. ^ Bulman, George (2019). "Law Enforcement Leaders and the Racial Composition of Arrests". Economic Inquiry. 0 (4): 1842–1858. doi:10.1111/ecin.12800. ISSN 1465-7295. S2CID 3616622.
  91. ^ a b "Federal study confirms racial bias of many facial-recognition systems, casts doubt on their expanding use". The Washington Post. 2019.
  92. ^ a b Hester, Neil; Gray, Kurt (2018-02-21). "For Black men, being tall increases threat stereotyping and police stops". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 115 (11): 2711–2715. doi:10.1073/pnas.1714454115. ISSN 0027-8424. PMC 5856523. PMID 29483263.
  93. ^ "Analysis | What data on 20 million traffic stops can tell us about 'driving while black'". Washington Post. Retrieved 2018-07-17.
  94. ^ Baumgartner, Frank R.; Epp, Derek A.; Shoub, Kelsey (2018-07-10). Suspect Citizens. Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/9781108553599. ISBN 9781108553599. S2CID 158379135.
  95. ^ Pierson, Emma; Simoiu, Camelia; Overgoor, Jan; Corbett-Davies, Sam; Jenson, Daniel; Shoemaker, Amy; Ramachandran, Vignesh; Barghouty, Phoebe; Phillips, Cheryl; Shroff, Ravi; Goel, Sharad (2020-05-04). "A large-scale analysis of racial disparities in police stops across the United States". Nature Human Behaviour. 4 (7): 736–745. doi:10.1038/s41562-020-0858-1. ISSN 2397-3374. PMID 32367028.
  96. ^ "Gary Johnson's bungled claims about racial disparities in crime". Washington Post. Retrieved 2017-01-21.
  97. ^ Fryer, Roland Gerhard (June 2019). "An Empirical Analysis of Racial Differences in Police Use of Force". Journal of Political Economy. University of Chicago. 127 (3): 1210–1261. doi:10.1086/701423. ISSN 0022-3808. OCLC 8118094562. S2CID 158634577.
  98. ^ a b Fryer, Roland Gerhard (July 2016). An Empirical Analysis of Racial Differences in Police Use of Force (PDF) (Report). NBER Working Papers (Revised January 2018 ed.). National Bureau of Economic Research. doi:10.3386/w22399. OCLC 956328193. S2CID 158634577. JELJ01, K0. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2020-10-03; "NBER working papers are circulated for discussion and comment purposes. They have not been peer-reviewed or been subject to the review by the NBER Board of Directors that accompanies official NBER publications."; published in J Polit Econ June 2019.CS1 maint: postscript (link)[97]
  99. ^ Durlauf, Steven Neil; Heckman, James Joseph (2020-07-21). "An Empirical Analysis of Racial Differences in Police Use of Force: A Comment". Journal of Political Economy. University of Chicago. 128 (10): 3998–4002. doi:10.1086/710976. ISSN 0022-3808. OCLC 8672021465. Archived from the original on 2020-11-08.
  100. ^ Fryer, Roland Gerhard (2020-07-21). "An Empirical Analysis of Racial Differences in Police Use of Force: A Response". Journal of Political Economy. University of Chicago. 128 (10): 4003–4008. doi:10.1086/710977. ISSN 0022-3808. OCLC 8672034484. S2CID 222813143. Archived from the original on 2020-11-08.
  101. ^ Edwards, Frank; Esposito, Michael H.; Lee, Hedwig (2018-07-19). "Risk of Police-Involved Death by Race/Ethnicity and Place, United States, 2012–2018". American Journal of Public Health. 108 (9): e1–e8. doi:10.2105/ajph.2018.304559. ISSN 0090-0036. PMC 6085013. PMID 30024797.
  102. ^ Stolberg, Sheryl Gay (2016-08-10). "Findings of Police Bias in Baltimore Validate What Many Have Long Felt". The New York Times. Retrieved 2016-08-11.
  103. ^ "The 12 key highlights from the DOJ's scathing Ferguson report". Washington Post. Retrieved 2016-08-11.
  104. ^ Hanna, Jason; Park, Madison. "Chicago police use excessive force, DOJ finds". CNN. Retrieved 2017-01-13.
  105. ^ Menifield, Charles E.; Shin, Geiguen; Strother, Logan (2019). "Do White Law Enforcement Officers Target Minority Suspects?". Public Administration Review. 79: 56–68. doi:10.1111/puar.12956. ISSN 0033-3352.
  106. ^ Streeter, Shea (2019-06-07). "Lethal Force in Black and White: Assessing Racial Disparities in the Circumstances of Police Killings". The Journal of Politics. 81 (3): 1124–1132. doi:10.1086/703541. ISSN 0022-3816. S2CID 197815467.
  107. ^ a b Esposito, Michael; Lee, Hedwig; Edwards, Frank (2019-07-31). "Risk of being killed by police use of force in the United States by age, race–ethnicity, and sex". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 116 (34): 16793–16798. doi:10.1073/pnas.1821204116. ISSN 0027-8424. PMC 6708348. PMID 31383756.
  108. ^ Cesario, Joseph; Taylor, Carley; Burkel, Nicole; Tress, Trevor; Johnson, David J. (2019-07-17). "Officer characteristics and racial disparities in fatal officer-involved shootings". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 116 (32): 15877–15882. doi:10.1073/pnas.1903856116. ISSN 0027-8424. PMC 6689929. PMID 31332014.
  109. ^ "Making inferences about racial disparities in police violence". SSRN 3431132. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  110. ^ Knox, Dean; Mummolo, Jonathan (2020-01-21). "Making inferences about racial disparities in police violence". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 117 (3): 1261–1262. doi:10.1073/pnas.1919418117. ISSN 0027-8424. PMC 6983428. PMID 31964781.
  111. ^ Sciences, National Academy of (2020). "Correction for Johnson et al., Officer characteristics and racial disparities in fatal officer-involved shootings". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 117 (16): 9127. doi:10.1073/pnas.2004734117. ISSN 0027-8424. PMC 7183161. PMID 32284413.
  112. ^ Hoekstra, Mark; Sloan, CarlyWill (2020). "Does Race Matter for Police Use of Force? Evidence from 911 Calls". doi:10.3386/w26774. S2CID 213236709. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  113. ^ Knox, Dean; Lowe, Will; Mummolo, Jonathan (2020). "Administrative Records Mask Racially Biased Policing". American Political Science Review. 114 (3): 619–637. doi:10.1017/S0003055420000039. ISSN 0003-0554.
  114. ^ Braun, Michael; Rosenthal, Jeremy; Therrian, Kyle (2018). "Police Discretion and Racial Disparity in Organized Retail Theft Arrests: Evidence from Texas". Journal of Empirical Legal Studies. 15 (4): 916–950. doi:10.1111/jels.12201. ISSN 1740-1461. S2CID 158361514.
  115. ^ "Killings of Black Men by Whites are Far More Likely to be Ruled "Justifiable"". The Marshall Project. 2017-08-14. Retrieved 2017-08-21.
  116. ^ Libgober, Brian (2019-05-16). "Getting a Lawyer While Black: A Field Experiment". Rochester, NY. SSRN 3389279. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  117. ^ Bielen, Samantha; Marneffe, Wim; Mocan, Naci H (2018). "Racial Bias and In-group Bias in Judicial Decisions: Evidence from Virtual Reality Courtrooms". Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  118. ^ Bjerk, David; Helland, Eric (2020-05-01). "What Can DNA Exonerations Tell Us about Racial Differences in Wrongful-Conviction Rates?". The Journal of Law and Economics. 63 (2): 341–366. doi:10.1086/707080. hdl:10419/185297. ISSN 0022-2186. S2CID 51997973.
  119. ^ Eren, Ozkan; Mocan, Naci (2018). "Emotional Judges and Unlucky Juveniles". American Economic Journal: Applied Economics. 10 (3): 171–205. doi:10.1257/app.20160390. ISSN 1945-7782.
  120. ^ Cohen, Alma; Yang, Crystal (2018). "Judicial Politics and Sentencing Decisions". doi:10.3386/w24615. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  121. ^ Hochschild, Jennifer L (2007). "The Skin Color Paradox and the American Racial Order". Social Forces. 86 (2): 643–670. doi:10.1093/sf/86.2.643. S2CID 145637304.
  122. ^ a b c d "Same background. Same crime. Different race. Different sentence". Retrieved 2016-12-19.
  123. ^ "Black men sentenced to more time for committing the exact same crime as a white person, study finds". washingtonpost.com. Retrieved 2017-11-23.
  124. ^ "Demographic Differences in Sentencing". United States Sentencing Commission. 2017-11-13. Retrieved 2017-11-23.
  125. ^ Donohue, John J. (2014-10-28). "An Empirical Evaluation of the Connecticut Death Penalty System Since 1973: Are There Unlawful Racial, Gender, and Geographic Disparities?". Journal of Empirical Legal Studies. 11 (4): 637–696. doi:10.1111/jels.12052. ISSN 1740-1453. S2CID 39548863.
  126. ^ a b c Winerip, Michael Schwirtz, Michael; Gebeloff, Robert (2016-12-03). "The Scourge of Racial Bias in New York State's Prisons". The New York Times. Retrieved 2016-12-03.
  127. ^ Linzer, Dafna; LaFleur, Jennifer (2011-12-03). "Presidential Pardons Heavily Favor Whites". ProPublica. Retrieved 2017-12-21.
  128. ^ a b "School Finance - EdCentral". EdCentral. Retrieved 2016-12-02.
  129. ^ a b "More Than 40% of Low-Income Schools Don't Get a Fair Share of State and Local Funds, Department of Education Research Finds | U.S. Department of Education". ed.gov. Retrieved 2016-12-02.
  130. ^ Milkman, Katherine L.; Akinola, Modupe; Chugh, Dolly (2015-11-01). "What happens before? A field experiment exploring how pay and representation differentially shape bias on the pathway into organizations". The Journal of Applied Psychology. 100 (6): 1678–1712. doi:10.1037/apl0000022. PMID 25867167.
  131. ^ "Espenshade, T.J. and Radford, A.W.: No Longer Separate, Not Yet Equal: Race and Class in Elite College Admission and Campus Life. (eBook, Paperback and Hardcover)". press.princeton.edu. Retrieved 2016-04-24.
  132. ^ Card, David; Giuliano, Laura (2016-11-29). "Universal screening increases the representation of low-income and minority students in gifted education". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 113 (48): 13678–13683. doi:10.1073/pnas.1605043113. ISSN 0027-8424. PMC 5137751. PMID 27856741.
  133. ^ a b Kerr, A. E. (2006). The paper bag principle: Class, colorism, and rumor in the case of black Washington, DC. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press.
  134. ^ Spike Lee, "School Daze," 40 Acres & A Mule Filmworks, Columbia Pictures Corporation
  135. ^ Branigan, Amelia; Freese, Jeremy; Patir, Assaf; McDade, Thomas; Liu, Kiang; Kiefe, Catarina (November 2013). "Skin color, sex, and educational attainment in the post-civil rights era". Social Science Research. 42 (6): 1659–1674. doi:10.1016/j.ssresearch.2013.07.010. PMID 24090859.
  136. ^ Williams, David R.; Lawrence, Jourdyn A.; Davis, Brigette A. (2019). "Racism and Health: Evidence and Needed Research". Annual Review of Public Health. 40 (1): 105–125. doi:10.1146/annurev-publhealth-040218-043750. PMC 6532402. PMID 30601726.
  137. ^ a b Schulman, Kevin A.; Berlin, Jesse A.; Harless, William; Kerner, Jon F.; Sistrunk, Shyrl; Gersh, Bernard J.; Dubé, Ross; Taleghani, Christopher K.; Burke, Jennifer E. (1999-02-25). "The Effect of Race and Sex on Physicians' Recommendations for Cardiac Catheterization". New England Journal of Medicine. 340 (8): 618–626. doi:10.1056/NEJM199902253400806. PMID 10029647.
  138. ^ Goyal, Monika K.; Kuppermann, Nathan; Cleary, Sean D.; Teach, Stephen J.; Chamberlain, James M. (2015-11-01). "Racial Disparities in Pain Management of Children With Appendicitis in Emergency Departments". JAMA Pediatrics. 169 (11): 996–1002. doi:10.1001/jamapediatrics.2015.1915. ISSN 2168-6203. PMC 4829078. PMID 26366984.
  139. ^ Druckman, James N; Trawalter, Sophie; Montes, Ivonne; Fredendall, Alexandria; Kanter, Noah; Rubenstein, Allison Paige (2017). "Racial bias in sport medical staff's perceptions of others' pain". The Journal of Social Psychology. 158 (6): 721–729. doi:10.1080/00224545.2017.1409188. PMID 29173126. S2CID 12371799.
  140. ^ Eli, Shari; Logan, Trevon D; Miloucheva, Boriana (2019). "Physician Bias and Racial Disparities in Health: Evidence from Veterans' Pensions". doi:10.3386/w25846. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  141. ^ Obermeyer, Ziad; Powers, Brian; Vogeli, Christine; Mullainathan, Sendhil (2019-10-25). "Dissecting racial bias in an algorithm used to manage the health of populations". Science. 366 (6464): 447–453. Bibcode:2019Sci...366..447O. doi:10.1126/science.aax2342. ISSN 0036-8075. PMID 31649194. S2CID 204881868.
  142. ^ Greenwood, Brad N.; Hardeman, Rachel R.; Huang, Laura; Sojourner, Aaron (2020-08-13). "Physician–patient racial concordance and disparities in birthing mortality for newborns". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 117 (35): 21194–21200. doi:10.1073/pnas.1913405117. ISSN 0027-8424. PMC 7474610. PMID 32817561.CS1 maint: PMC embargo expired (link)
  143. ^ Rob Picheta. "Black newborns 3 times more likely to die when looked after by White doctors". CNN. Retrieved 2020-08-20.
  144. ^ Chen, Caroline; Wong, Riley (2018-09-19). "Black Patients Miss Out On Promising Cancer Drugs". ProPublica. Retrieved 2018-09-21.
  145. ^ Shachar, Carmel; Wise, Tess; Katznelson, Gali; Campbell, Andrea Louise (2019). "Criminal Justice or Public Health: A Comparison of the Representation of the Crack Cocaine and Opioid Epidemics in the Media". Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law. 45 (2): 211–239. doi:10.1215/03616878-8004862. PMID 31808806.
  146. ^ Kim, Jin Woo; Morgan, Evan; Nyhan, Brendan (2019). "Treatment versus Punishment: Understanding Racial Inequalities in Drug Policy". Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law. 45 (2): 177–209. doi:10.1215/03616878-8004850. PMID 31808796.
  147. ^ Ondrich, Jan; Ross, Stephen; Yinger, John (2003-11-01). "Now You See It, Now You Don't: Why Do Real Estate Agents Withhold Available Houses from Black Customers?" (PDF). Review of Economics and Statistics. 85 (4): 854–873. doi:10.1162/003465303772815772. S2CID 8524510.
  148. ^ Kamin, Debra (2020-08-25). "Black Homeowners Face Discrimination in Appraisals". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2020-08-25.
  149. ^ Sander, Richard H.; Kucheva, Yana A.; Zasloff, Jonathan M. (2018). "Moving toward Integration". Harvard University Press.
  150. ^ Taylor, Keeanga-Yamahtta. "Race for Profit". University of North Carolina Press. Retrieved 2019-11-03.
  151. ^ Newkirk II, Vann R. (2019). "The Great Land Robbery". The Atlantic. ISSN 1072-7825. Retrieved 2019-08-12.
  152. ^ Faber, Jacob W. (2020-08-21). "We Built This: Consequences of New Deal Era Intervention in America's Racial Geography". American Sociological Review. 85 (5): 739–775. doi:10.1177/0003122420948464. ISSN 0003-1224. S2CID 222003246.
  153. ^ Akbar, Prottoy A; Li, Sijie; Shertzer, Allison; Walsh, Randall P (2019). "Racial Segregation in Housing Markets and the Erosion of Black Wealth". National Bureau of Economic Research. doi:10.3386/w25805. S2CID 159270884. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  154. ^ Shertzer, Allison; Twinam, Tate; Walsh, Randall P. (2016-07-01). "Race, Ethnicity, and Discriminatory Zoning". American Economic Journal: Applied Economics. 8 (3): 217–246. doi:10.1257/app.20140430. ISSN 1945-7782.
  155. ^ "Housing Discrimination against Racial and Ethnic Minorities 2012: Full Report". urban.org. Retrieved 2016-04-23.
  156. ^ Benjamin, Edelman; Michael, Luca; Dan, Svirsky (2017-04-01). "Racial Discrimination in the Sharing Economy: Evidence from a Field Experiment". American Economic Journal: Applied Economics. 9 (2): 1–22. doi:10.1257/app.20160213. ISSN 1945-7782.
  157. ^ "Black renters face egregious housing discrimination, study shows - The Boston Globe". BostonGlobe.com. 2020. Retrieved 2020-07-01.
  158. ^ "Qualified Renters Need Not Apply: Race and Voucher Discrimination in the Metro Boston Rental Housing Market" (PDF). 2020.
  159. ^ Walsh, Randall; Troesken, Werner (2019). "Collective Action, White Flight, and the Origins of Racial Zoning Laws". The Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization. 35 (2): 289–318. doi:10.1093/jleo/ewz006. hdl:10.1093/jleo/ewz006.
  160. ^ Thurston, Chloe N. (2018). At the Boundaries of Homeownership: Credit, Discrimination, and the American State. Cambridge Core. doi:10.1017/9781108380058. ISBN 9781108422055. Retrieved 2020-06-13.
  161. ^ Aaronson, Daniel; Hartley, Daniel A.; Mazumder, Bhashkar (September 2017). "The Effects of the 1930s HOLC 'Redlining' Maps". FRB of Chicago Working Paper No. WP-2017-12. SSRN 3038733.
  162. ^ a b c Badger, Emily (2017-08-24). "How Redlining's Racist Effects Lasted for Decades". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2017-08-26.
  163. ^ Moore, Natalie. "Contract Buying Robbed Black Families In Chicago Of Billions". WBEZ. Archived from the original on 2019. Retrieved 2019-06-05.
  164. ^ "Study: Trump fans are much angrier about housing assistance when they see an image of a black man". Vox. Retrieved 2017-09-09.
  165. ^ Luttig, Matthew D.; Federico, Christopher M.; Lavine, Howard (2017-10-01). "Supporters and opponents of Donald Trump respond differently to racial cues: An experimental analysis". Research & Politics. 4 (4): 2053168017737411. doi:10.1177/2053168017737411. ISSN 2053-1680.
  166. ^ Korver-Glenn, Elizabeth (2018-06-21). "Compounding Inequalities: How Racial Stereotypes and Discrimination Accumulate across the Stages of Housing Exchange". American Sociological Review. 83 (4): 627–656. doi:10.1177/0003122418781774. ISSN 0003-1224. S2CID 149810113.
  167. ^ Christensen, Peter; Timmins, Christopher (2018). "Sorting or Steering: Experimental Evidence on the Economic Effects of Housing Discrimination". National Bureau of Economic Research.
  168. ^ Reny, Tyler T.; Newman, Benjamin J. (2018). "Protecting the Right to Discriminate: The Second Great Migration and Racial Threat in the American West". American Political Science Review. 112 (4): 1104–1110. doi:10.1017/S0003055418000448. ISSN 0003-0554. S2CID 149560682.
  169. ^ Fang, Albert H.; Guess, Andrew M.; Humphreys, Macartan (2019). "Can the Government Deter Discrimination? Evidence from a Randomized Intervention in New York City". The Journal of Politics. 81: 127–141. doi:10.1086/700107. hdl:10419/209709. ISSN 0022-3816. S2CID 44470452.
  170. ^ Murchie, Judson; Pang, Jindong (2018). "Rental Housing Discrimination Across Protected Classes: Evidence from a Randomized Experiment". Regional Science and Urban Economics. 73: 170–179. doi:10.1016/j.regsciurbeco.2018.10.003. ISSN 0166-0462.
  171. ^ Early, Dirk W.; Carrillo, Paul E.; Olsen, Edgar O. (2019). "Racial rent differences in U.S. housing markets: Evidence from the housing voucher program". Journal of Regional Science. 0 (4): 669–700. doi:10.1111/jors.12422. ISSN 1467-9787. S2CID 158658460.
  172. ^ Hexel, Ole; Fleischmann, Fenella; Midtbøen, Arnfinn H.; Pager, Devah; Heath, Anthony; Quillian, Lincoln (2019-06-17). "Do Some Countries Discriminate More than Others? Evidence from 97 Field Experiments of Racial Discrimination in Hiring". Sociological Science. 6: 467–496. doi:10.15195/v6.a18. ISSN 2330-6696.
  173. ^ Quillian, Lincoln; Pager, Devah; Hexel, Ole; Midtbøen, Arnfinn H. (2017-09-12). "Meta-analysis of field experiments shows no change in racial discrimination in hiring over time". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 114 (41): 10870–10875. doi:10.1073/pnas.1706255114. ISSN 0027-8424. PMC 5642692. PMID 28900012.
  174. ^ Bertrand, Marianne; Mullainathan, Sendhil (2004). "Are Emily and Greg More Employable Than Lakisha and Jamal? A Field Experiment on Labor Market Discrimination" (PDF). American Economic Review. 94 (4): 991–1013. doi:10.1257/0002828042002561.
  175. ^ Pager, Devah; Western, Bruce; Bonikowski, Bart (2009-10-01). "Discrimination in a Low-Wage Labor Market A Field Experiment". American Sociological Review. 74 (5): 777–799. doi:10.1177/000312240907400505. PMC 2915472. PMID 20689685.
  176. ^ Lahey, Joanna N; Oxley, Douglas R (2018). "Discrimination at the Intersection of Age, Race, and Gender: Evidence from a Lab-in-the-field Experiment". doi:10.3386/w25357. S2CID 38242869. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  177. ^ Quillian, Lincoln; Lee, John J.; Oliver, Mariana (2020). "Evidence from Field Experiments in Hiring Shows Substantial Additional Racial Discrimination after the Callback". Social Forces. 99 (2): 732–759. doi:10.1093/sf/soaa026.
  178. ^ Hangartner, Dominik; Kopp, Daniel; Siegenthaler, Michael (2021-01-20). "Monitoring hiring discrimination through online recruitment platforms". Nature. 589 (7843): 572–576. doi:10.1038/s41586-020-03136-0. ISSN 1476-4687. PMID 33473211. S2CID 213021251.
  179. ^ Hunter, Margaret (2002). "'If You're Light You're Alright': Light Skin Color as Social Capital for Women of Color". Gender and Society. 16 (2): 175–93. doi:10.1177/08912430222104895. S2CID 145727411.
  180. ^ Riddle, Benjamin L. (25 February 2015). ""Too Black": Waitress's Claim of Color Bias Raises Novel Title VII Claim". The National Law Review. Retrieved 28 February 2015.
  181. ^ Hersch, Joni (2018). "Colorism Against Legal Immigrants to the United States". American Behavioral Scientist. 62 (14): 2117–2132. doi:10.1177/0002764218810758. S2CID 150280312.
  182. ^ Langin, Katie (2019-06-03). "Racial and gender biases plague postdoc hiring". Science. doi:10.1126/science.caredit.aay2605. Retrieved 2019-06-05.
  183. ^ Eaton, Asia A.; Saunders, Jessica F.; Jacobson, Ryan K.; West, Keon (2019-06-03). "How Gender and Race Stereotypes Impact the Advancement of Scholars in STEM: Professors' Biased Evaluations of Physics and Biology Post-Doctoral Candidates" (PDF). Sex Roles. 82 (3–4): 127–141. doi:10.1007/s11199-019-01052-w. ISSN 1573-2762. S2CID 189874898.
  184. ^ Katz, Tamar Kricheli; Regev, Tali; Lavie, Shay; Porat, Haggai; Avraham, Ronen (2020-07-24). "Those who tan and those who don't: A natural experiment on colorism". PLOS ONE. 15 (7): e0235438. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0235438. ISSN 1932-6203. PMC 7380621. PMID 32706822.
  185. ^ Lynn, Michael; Sturman, Michael; Ganley, Christie; Adams, Elizabeth; Douglas, Mathew; McNeil, Jessica (2008). "Consumer Racial Discrimination in Tipping: A Replication and Extension". Journal of Applied Social Psychology. 38 (4): 1045–1060. doi:10.1111/j.1559-1816.2008.00338.x. hdl:1813/71558. ISSN 0021-9029.
  186. ^ "The Effects of 'Ban the Box' on the Employment of Black Men". Econofact. 2017-06-09. Retrieved 2019-01-20.
  187. ^ "Colorism In Media – The West Georgian". Retrieved 2021-03-19.
  188. ^ Jan, Tracy (2017-12-13). "News media offers consistently warped portrayals of black families, study finds". Washington Post. ISSN 0190-8286. Retrieved 2017-12-14.
  189. ^ "Report: A Dangerous Distortion of our Families". Retrieved 2017-12-14.
  190. ^ Bleich, Erik; Van Der Veen, A. Maurits (2018). "Media portrayals of Muslims: a comparative sentiment analysis of American newspapers, 1996–2015". Politics, Groups, and Identities: 1–20. doi:10.1080/21565503.2018.1531770. S2CID 150352731.
  191. ^ Slakoff, Danielle C. (2020). "The representation of women and girls of color in United States crime news". Sociology Compass. n/a (n/a): e12741. doi:10.1111/soc4.12741. ISSN 1751-9020.
  192. ^ Woodard, K (2000). "Traumatic Shame: Toni Morrison, Televisual Culture, and the Cultural Politics of the Emotions". Cultural Critique. 46 (1): 210–240. doi:10.2307/1354414. JSTOR 1354414.
  193. ^ Pious, Scott; Neptune, Dominique (1997). "Racial and Gender Biases in Magazine Advertising: A Content-Analytic Study". Psychology of Women Quarterly. 21 (4): 627–644. doi:10.1111/j.1471-6402.1997.tb00135.x. S2CID 12155745.
  194. ^ Hall, R (1995). "The bleaching syndrome: African American's response to cultural domination vis-A-vis skin color". Journal of Black Studies. 26 (2): 172–184. doi:10.1177/002193479502600205. S2CID 143934823.
  195. ^ "The Minstrel Show". chnm.gmu.edu. Retrieved 2017-11-14.
  196. ^ Punyanunt, Narissa. "The Perceived Realism of African American Portrayals on Television". The Howard Journal of Communications.
  197. ^ Garcia, Sandra E. (June 17, 2020). "Where Did BIPOC Come From?". New York Times. Retrieved September 8, 2020.
  198. ^ Butler, Daniel M.; Broockman, David E. (2011-07-01). "Do Politicians Racially Discriminate Against Constituents? A Field Experiment on State Legislators". American Journal of Political Science. 55 (3): 463–477. CiteSeerX doi:10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00515.x.
  199. ^ Broockman, David E. (2013-07-01). "Black Politicians Are More Intrinsically Motivated to Advance Blacks' Interests: A Field Experiment Manipulating Political Incentives". American Journal of Political Science. 57 (3): 521–536. doi:10.1111/ajps.12018.
  200. ^ Enos, Ryan D. (2016-01-01). "What the Demolition of Public Housing Teaches Us about the Impact of Racial Threat on Political Behavior". American Journal of Political Science. 60 (1): 123–142. doi:10.1111/ajps.12156. S2CID 51895998.
  201. ^ "Elections: Issues Related to State Voter Identification Laws [Reissued on February 27, 2015]". gao.gov. Retrieved 2016-04-03.
  202. ^ White, Ariel R.; Nathan, Noah L.; Faller, Julie K. (2015-02-01). "What Do I Need to Vote? Bureaucratic Discretion and Discrimination by Local Election Officials". American Political Science Review. 109 (1): 129–142. doi:10.1017/S0003055414000562. S2CID 145471717.
  203. ^ Cobb, Rachael V.; Greiner; James, D.; Quinn, Kevin M. (2010-06-14). "Can Voter ID Laws Be Administered in a Race-Neutral Manner? Evidence from the City of Boston in 2008". SSRN 1625041. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  204. ^ Atkeson, Lonna Rae; Bryant, Lisa Ann; Hall, Thad E.; Saunders, Kyle; Alvarez, Michael (2010-03-01). "A new barrier to participation: Heterogeneous application of voter identification policies". Electoral Studies. 29 (1): 66–73. doi:10.1016/j.electstud.2009.08.001.
  205. ^ a b Ansolabehere, Stephen (2009-01-01). "Effects of Identification Requirements on Voting: Evidence from the Experiences of Voters on Election Day". PS: Political Science & Politics. 42 (1): 127–130. doi:10.1017/S1049096509090313. S2CID 15315808.
  206. ^ Gillespie, June Andra (2015). "Voter Identification and Black Voter Turnout An Examination of Black Voter Turnout Patterns in Georgia, 2000–2014". Phylon. 52 (2): 43–67. JSTOR 43681953.
  207. ^ Hajnal, Zoltan; et al. (2016). "Voter Identification Laws and the Suppression of Minority Votes" (PDF). Retrieved 29 March 2016.
  208. ^ Soltas, Evan; Broockman, David E. (2017-02-23). "Taste-Based Discrimination Against Nonwhite Political Candidates: Evidence from a Natural Experiment". SSRN 2920729. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  209. ^ Wilson, David C.; Davis, Darren W. (2018). "The Racial Double Standardattributing Racial Motivations in Voting Behavior". Public Opinion Quarterly. 82: 63–86. doi:10.1093/poq/nfx050.
  210. ^ Fulton, Sarah A; Gershon, Sarah Allen (2018). "Too Liberal to Win? Race and Voter Perceptions of Candidate Ideology". American Politics Research. 46 (5): 909–939. doi:10.1177/1532673X18759642. S2CID 158113285.
  211. ^ Piston, Spencer; Krupnikov, Yanna; Milita, Kerri; Ryan, John Barry (2018-03-01). "Clear as Black and White: The Effects of Ambiguous Rhetoric Depend on Candidate Race". The Journal of Politics. 80 (2): 000. doi:10.1086/696619. hdl:2144/31470. ISSN 0022-3816. S2CID 148940141.
  212. ^ Wilson, David C.; Davis, Darren W. (2018). "Appraisals of President Obama's economic performance: Racial resentment and attributional responsibility". Electoral Studies. 55: 62–72. doi:10.1016/j.electstud.2018.08.002. ISSN 0261-3794.
  213. ^ Tokeshi, Matthew (2018-08-28). "Why are African American Governors and U.S. Senators so Rare? Exploring White Voters' Responses to African American Statewide Candidates". Political Behavior. 42: 285–304. doi:10.1007/s11109-018-9496-y. ISSN 0190-9320. S2CID 158354009.
  214. ^ a b Cooley, Erin; Brown-Iannuzzi, Jazmin L.; Boudreau, Caroline (2019). "Shifting Stereotypes of Welfare Recipients Can Reverse Racial Biases in Support for Wealth Redistribution". Social Psychological and Personality Science. 10 (8): 1065–1074. doi:10.1177/1948550619829062. S2CID 150926190.
  215. ^ Bateson, Regina (2019-06-30). "Strategic Discrimination". Rochester, NY. SSRN 3412626. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  216. ^ Garisto, Daniel. "Smartphone Data Show Voters in Black Neighborhoods Wait Longer". Scientific American. Retrieved 2019-10-13.
  217. ^ "Brown at 60: The Doll Test | NAACP LDF". naacpldf.org. Archived from the original on 2018-09-13. Retrieved 2017-11-27.
  218. ^ Fultz, Lauren A. (2014). Psycho-Social Impact of Colorism Among African American Women: Crossing the Divide (PsyD). Wright State University.
  219. ^ Ware, Leland. "'Color Struck': Intragroup and Cross-racial Color Discrimination". Race, Racism and the Law. Retrieved 2019-10-28.
  220. ^ Hunter, Margaret (2007). "The Persistent Problem of Colorism: Skin Tone, Status, and Inequality". Sociology Compass. 1 (1): 237–254. doi:10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00006.x. ISSN 1751-9020. S2CID 11960841.
  221. ^ Lindsey, Treva B (2011). "Black no more: Skin bleaching and the emergence of new negro womanhood beauty culture". Journal of Pan African Studies 4. no. 4: 97–116.
  222. ^ Bryant, Susan L. (2013). "The Beauty Ideal: The Effects Of European Standards Of Beauty On Black Women". 4 (1): 80–91. doi:10.7916/D8DF6PQ6. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  223. ^ Clark Doll experiments, retrieved 2019-10-29
  224. ^ Townsend, Tiffany G.; Neilands, Torsten B.; Thomas, Anita Jones; Jackson, Tiffany R. (2010-08-02). "I'm No Jezebel; I am Young, Gifted, and Black: Identity, Sexuality, and Black Girls". Psychology of Women Quarterly. 34 (3): 273–285. doi:10.1111/j.1471-6402.2010.01574.x. ISSN 0361-6843. S2CID 145313044.
  225. ^ Kopkin, Nolan (2019). "Evidence of Own-Race Bias in Heisman Trophy Voting*". Social Science Quarterly. 100: 176–197. doi:10.1111/ssqu.12567. ISSN 0038-4941.
  226. ^ Norris, Davon; Moss-Pech, Corey (2021). "White Men Can't Jump, but Does It Even Matter? Exit Discrimination in the NBA". Social Forces. doi:10.1093/sf/soab009.
  227. ^ Foy, Steven L.; Ray, Rashawn (2019-11-01). "Skin in the Game: Colorism and the Subtle Operation of Stereotypes in Men's College Basketball". American Journal of Sociology. 125 (3): 730–785. doi:10.1086/707243. ISSN 0002-9602. S2CID 213499976.
  228. ^ Smith, Rory (2020-06-30). "'Intelligent' or 'Strong': Study Finds Bias in Soccer Broadcasts". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2020-06-30.
  229. ^ Wallsten, Kevin; Nteta, Tatishe M.; McCarthy, Lauren A.; Tarsi, Melinda R. (2017-03-01). "Prejudice or Principled Conservatism? Racial Resentment and White Opinion toward Paying College Athletes". Political Research Quarterly. 70 (1): 209–222. doi:10.1177/1065912916685186. ISSN 1065-9129. S2CID 152217074.

Further reading

External links